Bob Schwartz

Tag: Vietnam War

“Oh my God—we hit a little girl.” M Company, Vietnam, 1966. Oh my God—we hit a girl’s school in Iran, 2026.

The above Esquire magazine cover and story from October 1966 is famous, both as a work of stunning graphic art designed by George Lois and as an early harbinger of what a disaster the Vietnam War could and would become.

On February 28, 2026, a girl’s primary school in Tehran was decimated in a strike, leaving 168 dead. Trump said it was done by Iran, U.S. intelligence suggested that it might possibly be a U.S. strike, and a video now confirms that it was a U.S. Tomahawk missile. We did it.

You can judge whether this is an acceptable consequence of an incoherent war. It is not the first incoherent and deadly war the U.S. has chosen, though it may be the most incoherent.

For historical perspective, below is the Esquire story that goes with the cover.


M

M is M Company of the 1st Advanced Infantry Training Brigade in the United States Army Training Center, Infantry, at Ft. Dix, New Jersey, the training cycle of December 13, 1965, to February 3, 1966. It was assigned to the 1st Infantry Division at Di An and to A, B, and C Companies of the 2nd Battalion of the 2nd Infantry, in the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Infantry Division, at Lai Khe. Its first operation was Operation Mastiff, the week of February 21, 1966.

One, two, three at the most weeks and they would give M company its orders—they
being those dim Olympian entities who reputedly threw cards into an IBM machine or into a hat to determine where each soldier in M would go next, which ones to stay there in the United States, which to live softly in Europe, and which to fight and to die in Vietnam.

No matter. What agonized M this evening wasn’t what was in its cards but what was in the more immediate offing—an inspection! indeed, its very first inspection by its jazzy young Negro captain. So this evening M was in its white Army underwear waxing the floor of its barracks, shining its black combat boots, turning the barrels of its rifles inside out and picking the dust flecks off with tweezers, unscrewing its eardrums—the usual. The air was thick with the smell of floor wax and rifle oil, a moist aroma that now seemed to M to be woven into the very fabric of Army green. Minutes before, the company had heard a do-or-die exhortation by its bantamweight sergeant, Sergeant Milett. Get yourself clean for my sake, Milett had told M. “I’ve got a wife, three kids at home. I leave in the dark, I come home in the dark. I haven’t talked to them in thirty-six hours. I don’t know, maybe they’re dead,” using psychology, leaning against a two decker bed, reaching an arm through the iron bedstead, beseechingly. “Well …” making a joke of it, “I left them enough food, I shouldn’t have to worry,” and getting to the point, “I got a boss downstairs, he got a couple bars on his collar, he is the boss I work for. Tomorrow afternoon he will inspect us: don’t make a jackass out of me!”

And all you’ve got to do is follow the chart! and M company, now in its fourth quick month of Army life and last of infantry training at a large and bleak Eastern camp, had known what Milett meant. The chart appeared in the Soldier’s Handbook and it bore the enacting signature of the Army’s adjutant general, none other. The insides of a guy’s green footlocker (the general had commanded) should be like so; and what a proud inspection they’d have if M would just faithfully comply! The general had ordered that Pepsodent or whatever brand of tooth powder a boy enjoyed must go to the rear of the footlocker, left, it mustn’t be dirty or dusty, and it must be bottom backwards so the words TOOTH POWDER appeared upside-down, who would have thought it? The general had charged that a fellow’s SHAVING CREAM go to the right while his razor, his blade, his toothbrush, and his comb all covered down on his soap dish; and everything must lie on his whitest towel, the general had declared. To this Army-wide order of battle a mere master sergeant in M’s training camp had dared add an innovation: he allowed that a Bible might lie in that footlocker in between the handkerchiefs and the shoe polish, rightside-up. This would be optional, a matter of a man’s conscience; but other deviations from the archetypical footlocker, the wall locker, the steel combat stuff to be laid on a soldier’s bunk, or the soldier himself—would be gigged, Milett had reminded everyone, and gigged would mean no going home Saturday night; no passes.

“So … try. Follow the chart,” he had pleaded and hurried to where his wife and his children, whew, still lived, and M, a body of two hundred and fifty American boys of all shapes and sizes and wild idiosyncrasies, most of them draftees, some of them volunteers—M company was getting its house in order conscientiously, in some cases even willingly. But not in Private Demirgian’s. Demirgian thought it was idiotic, all this footlocker, wall locker, fleck-of-fluff-on-your-shoelace stuff—senseless, most of M would agree but Demirgian alone conspired with himself to get discharged; out, a consummation that he tried to effect by exercising his will-o’-the-wisp power. Demirgian built castles in Spain, in Armenia, in any area M wasn’t—he dared to have madly escapist flights of imagination because his intuition secretly assured him that they’d come to naught. He had said to himself once, I could walk in front of somebody’s rifle. He had thought he could fall downstairs and tell the doctors, “My brain—it’s loose, it’s rattling around inside my head,” he had come a cropper playing football once and that is how Demirgian’s brain had felt, he knew the symptoms. As yet, none of his schemes had become a clear and present danger to M’s staying at full strength—but Demirgian had a new thought tonight. His fancy had seized on something that a hard-eyed private had said in the course of a ten o’clock whiskey break, a private who’d been an assistant policeman, a meter maid or something, in Youngstown, Ohio, who had said, a blow in precisely the right part of a jaw would break it. Demirgian, his intellect stimulated and his inhibition paralyzed by two J&B’s, now replied, “Yaa!” or words to that effect.

“Twenty dollars!” the former policeman cried, whipping a wallet out of his vast Army fatigue pocket, slapping a bill of that denomination on the windowsill, clenching his other fist. “Twenty dollars says I can do it.”

“Yaa! There was a guy twice as big as you, he hit me right here and he couldn’t break it.”

“That’s not where I’m going to hit you, Demirgian! Where is your twenty?”

“I’ll owe it,” already conceding.

“Twenty dollars, Demirgian!” said Youngstown’s finest, slapping his green gauntlet down again. He had picked up the bill while nobody watched, apparently—he liked its brave sound on the concrete windowsill, smack! the sound of Demirgian’s jaw cracking like a chicken’s wishbone. He didn’t like Demirgian anyhow. Demirgian didn’t stand tall, as soldiers should. Demirgian slouched, he carried his head tilted like a damn violinist, and when he talked it rolled like a basketball on a rim, nature imitating Brando’s art.

“I’ll give you an IOU!”

“Shake! Raise up your chin,” and Demirgian did. “A little toward the window,” and Demirgian did—Demirgian in some dentist chair, his head tilted, jaw slack, eyes resting tensely on the orange NO SMOKING that was stenciled on M’s concrete wall. All of M’s sleeping quarters were interior decorated like any city apartment house in its cellar, where the washing machines are. The lengthy low building looked from the outside as though people inside might be working at lathes, and over the black door it announced to all humanity, “M” in black paint.

“Dammit—more to the right.”

“I’m waiting. I’m waiting,” Demirgian said while in some buried subconscious area he may have thought, my friends better rescue me—which seconds later they did.

“Easy! Yesterday at the 45 range he said to shoot him in the toes,” his buddy Sullivan said, stepping between them. “All he wants is get discharged.”

“Sure,” Demirgian agreed. He had been telling himself, well … either that or I’ll make twenty dollars, the Army hadn’t paid him in months, something was wrong at the finance office.

“You won’t get out of the Army with a broken jaw,” Sullivan talking.

“Sure—I won’t be able to eat. I’ll waste away.”

“Crazy. They’ll have you wired up in one day. You want to get out of the Army, get him to break your foot.”

“Can you break my foot?” Demirgian asked, but there is a tide in men’s affairs. Already the former policeman was telling his friends yes! he had been drinking whiskey but he wasn’t drunk, he would straight-line any of them—twenty bucks! but M was back getting ready for that inspection. All of this happened—do understand. Demirgian is real, so is everyone in this narrative, even the Chillicothe milkman: all about him shortly. Names and hometowns [appear at the end of the story], middle initials too, apologies to Ernie Pyle.

Anyhow. By two in the morning, all of M’s fingernails clean, its blankets as tight as a back plaster, its boots luminous, its combat equipment Brillo-bright and displayed on its bunks in harmony with the general’s chart, M company fell asleep in its sleeping bags on the only place left to it—the floor, as infinitesimal iotas of dust silently came to rest on its handiwork.

M was awakened at four o’clock. Today it devolved on the Chaplain to keep it from falling asleep again just after breakfast, for he would be giving M the day’s first class. Though his subject—”Courage”—wasn’t one notably rich in Benzedrine content, the Chaplain, a Protestant major, intended to say things like, “I suggest to you that it takes a man with courage of conviction to—” and here he would strike the flat of his palm against his wooden podium (his pulpit, he called it), jerking M out of its stupor in time to hear him finish his sentence, the text to this surprising gesture—”—to put your foot down.” He had many tricks, this Chaplain; sometimes he made noises but he had silences, too. He intended to say today, “Do you know what takes courage in a foxhole? It is this,” and then he would say ” … ,” he would say nothing, eons of empty time would go by while everyone’s eyes popped open to see if the bottom had dropped out of the universe; and then the Chaplain would say, “It isn’t the noises that get you, it’s the silence.” Also the Chaplain would have movies.

M got to his great concrete classroom at eight o’clock on this piercingly cold winter morning. In the vast reaches above it, sparrows sat on the heating pipes and made their little squeaking sounds. A sergeant shouted, “Seats!” and as M sat down on the cold metal chairs it shouted back in unison, “Blue balls!” or so one thought until one learned that M had shouted “Blue bolts!” the nickname of its brigade. M was a shouting company. It built up morale, its high-stepping Negro captain believed; also it kept M awake. Breakfast, lunch, and supper at M were a real bedlam because as each soldier entered the busy mess hall he had to left face and stand at attention, and bellow at a sergeant the initials signifying whether he had been drafted or had joined the Army voluntarily. “US, Sergeant!” “RA, Sergeant!” After the meals, the sergeants totaled up each category before reporting it to the mess sergeant, who filed it one whole month before throwing it away.

“Good morning, men,” said the Chaplain. He wore his wool winter field clothes with his black scarf, the symbol of the chaplains corps.

“Good morning, sir! Blue bolts! On guard! Mighty mighty Mike! Aargh!” M shouted back. The expression Blue bolts—we’ve been through that. The brigade’s motto was On guard, and Mike is phonetic alphabet for M; and Mighty it perfunctorily called itself. Aargh was needed for reasons of rhythm, like coming back to the tonic at the close of a song.

Both hands on his pulpit, the Chaplain now pushed it forward a few inches across the black linoleum. Scree-e-ch! and everyone in M sat blue-bolt upright as the Chaplain began speaking. He said, “Courage. … “

But at this instant a very important event was happening one hundred miles away. And if M had only known what a fragile vessel all of its hopes reposed in that morning, its thoughts would have leapt from the Chaplain’s lecture and fled across the intervening states to settle upon (a fanfare, please) … the Chillicothe milkman! His name was Elmer Pulver. His was the route east of the N&W tracks in Chillicothe, Ohio, in 1950, when the Korean war began. Elmer in his creaky horse-drawn cart, bringing in newspapers from the gate, rapping on the door cheerily, tat-a-tat-tat, closing the gate behind him so the dog couldn’t get out, the nicest, most up-and-coming milkman in town, giving little tasty chips of ice to the same Chillicothe children who would be draft eligible when he was a major in the U.S. Army in Washington, in 1966. Pulver was called up in 1951, but he chose to be an officer instead. Having asked for the infantry first, tanks second, artillery third, he was granted none of these, and as a young lieutenant of engineers, having asked for Korea, he was flown away to Germany—ah, the whimsical they! By 1966, Pulver, now a major and still terribly nice, had been given a desk in the Pentagon’s windowless inner rings, also an old wooden swivel chair and a new task: every (would you believe it? every) man in the Army, after he was through training would be assigned to a duty station by Major Pulver. Far from being three horrid witches on a heath somewhere dancing around a pot, they would be Elmer Pulver.

This winter morning he had a stack of those stiff IBM cards the size of an old British pound note, one apiece for every soldier in M. These cards had green edges, and Pulver had a second deck of colorless IBM cards, one apiece for everywhere on earth that the Army had an opening for riflemen. Seated at his swivel chair, Pulver now took a corncob from its round rack, filled it with tobacco, lit it, and started fingering through his IBM’s. Doing it the Army way, he would need to take absolutely any green card and white card and fasten them together with a paper clip: rifleman and assignment and on to the next, another day, another dollar. But the Major was a nice person; he knew he had human beings of many kidneys there in his busy fingers and though it meant working overtime—today was a Saturday, the Pentagon was strange and empty—he wanted to put each soldier where he’d be happiest. And on each boy’s IBM card there was a code letter signifying where on this varied planet he would truthfully hope to be stationed next.

Some of M wanted the dolce vita in Europe. Some had opted for sunny Hawaii or the Caribbean’s warm waters. A few adventurous souls had elected Japan. Were the IBM cards to be believed, none of M’s two hundred and fifty soldiers wanted to go to Vietnam—but this wasn’t so, the cards weren’t right. Bigalow wanted to go to Vietnam. He wanted this for that stock American reason, making money—for in Vietnam’s jungles he would earn $65 a month combat pay, which he figured would add to $780 after his twelve months’ tour of duty. This he figured to put into IBM: where, he figured, in a few thrifty years it would appreciate to $1,000, which—but beyond that Bigalow hadn’t figured. But thus far in his Army career, Bigalow hadn’t made his preference known to the proper authorities, no fault of his. Many nights earlier, a tall PFC from personnel office had gathered M together in its dayroom—a rumpus room, an area whose bright green pool and ping-pong tables a soldier saw whenever he was on detail to shine the linoleum beneath them; otherwise it was kept behind a steel chain, off limits. That night, though, it had been opened extraordinarily to let that PFC give everyone some little grey mimeographed forms. “Awright!” he had said. “Now! Those who would like to go to Europe write down Europe,” no promises made. He himself had taken one mimeographed form and curled it around his index finger, and while he spoke he wiggled it like a swizzlestick in a highball glass or a pencil making O’s: a gesture by which he might mean the Army’s having its people eternally fill in mimeographed forms. In fact, M had filled in forms so habitually that within minutes it would forget forever ever having completed this. “Awright,” said PFC Swizzlestick. “Those who want the Caribbean … ” and similarly for Alaska, Hawaii, Japan, Korea, Okinawa, and Bigalow’s coveted Vietnam. Then he had gathered up the mimeographed papers and cabled them to the Pentagon, but Bigalow was on KP that evening, standing in white clouds of steam and washing pans. So the code letter on his green IBM card was an X, meaning no known preference.

Puffing his corncob and thumbing through his second deck of cards, Pulver now learned that in one month the Army had vacancies in Germany and in Vietnam—no place else. Now it happened this freezing Saturday that he had brought his blond and eightyear- old son, Douglas, to the Pentagon (in a week it was Lisa’s turn) and to satisfy Douglas’ curiosity he showed him the IBM cards, explaining that a soldier who wanted to go to Europe would and that a soldier would go to Vietnam who wanted it—though none did. “Supposing he wants to go to Japan?” Douglas alertly asked, and Pulver explained that though there were no openings that month in this pretty land of geisha girls and cherry blossoms, though there were no Japanese slots he would do his level best by that soldier and order him to Vietnam, since he seemed interested in the Orient and could stop in Japan itself, perhaps, going over or coming back. “Supposing he wants Hawaii?” Douglas said, and Pulver replied: the same, he would go to Vietnam. “Daddy! I can do it myself—please,” Douglas said, but Daddy chuckled and said no, and as Douglas sat across from him with a set of crayons drawing some colorful jet airplanes his father began to clip cards together, the green and the white. At noon Douglas ate a hamburger at his desk, Pulver had a roast-beef sandwich on white bread at his.

At noon an apprehensive M waited in its tidy barracks for Captain Amaker’s arrival. Amaker, though, was innocently upon the turnpike in his white Triumph convertible gaily driving to New York City. Ha ha! it had been a trick, really the Captain had never been under the walnut shell. Sly old Milett, that cunning sergeant, had simply made M scrub itself harder by invoking Amaker’s awesome name—Amaker who really intended to be in Harlem that afternoon digging the jams there with a friend who pulled down $50 an hour sitting in chairs with an Olivetti and looking over his shoulder as though to say, “As long as you’re up, get me a Grant’s,” in the studios of Ebony magazine’s photographers. Instead, M would have its adequacy appraised by that fox in sheep’s clothing, Sergeant Machiavelli—Milett. He started inspecting the barracks at two o’clock. He wasn’t in any very aggravated mood until a moment later, when his fingers moved across the very first soldier’s footlocker in order to open it. And then Milett recognized from the almost imperceptible impedance that it gave to his fingertips the presence of that loathsome substance to whose annihilation he had devoted much of his Army career. He cried out “Dust!” and stretching his fingers wide enough to hold a basketball he pushed them at the face of the footlocker’s unfortunate owner, whose name was Private Scott. “Goddam! This is a shame,” Milett cried, and Scotty looked truly contrite, eyes on the floor. Usually he was a fun-loving guy, a Negro. The day before Swizzlestick’s poll he had watched Hawaiian Eye, and on the mimeographed questionnaire he had written, “Hawaii,” so that he could dance with the lulu girls.

“Dust! … Dust! … Dust! … All of them!” Milett said, hurling himself from locker to locker and giving each the fingertip test, a furious Pancho Gonzales forehand. “This is a court-martial offense! You aren’t ready for inspection!” he screamed—and suddenly his face wasn’t purple, his skin wasn’t bedsheet tight, the Sergeant was no longer angry. He laughed. He had realized, this whole thing was ridiculous—ridiculous, that a man should present himself for inspection with his footlocker dusty. “You people … you people,” laughing, taking his handkerchief out, wiping the filth from his fingers. “You better wake up, you people don’t wake up now you’ll never wake up. Only with a bad-conduct discharge. And,” his head shaking incredulously, “this is just a sergeant’s inspection, suppose it had been the Captain himself!” Cap-tain-him-self is how he pronounced it; quick little quarter-notes. Milett was a Puerto Rican. Three times the Caribbean had knocked down the house where he’d grown up; immigrating to Harlem, shining people’s shoes so he could take his girl to the movie but worrying what if she should see me shining shoes, washing his hands with Borax but thinking if I touched her maybe she’d smell it—ten years, and then he had found the Army, where a life to be proud of lay within a man’s aspirations: even a Puerto Rican’s. He said to M now, “I was a PFC,” pronouncing it pee-eff-see. “When the officer opened my locker he had to use sunglasses! because I didn’t have a towel there, I had aluminum foil all around! And he said to me,

You’re going to make it some day.” Milett’s eyes shone as he remembered, there was silverfoil behind his irises. What he couldn’t reconcile himself to and couldn’t forgive was that M didn’t have initiative—M didn’t really care.]

His punishment: no passes that Saturday afternoon. With those melancholy words Milett went to his rooms on the Army post, where he told the day’s happenings to his shapely, sweater-wearing wife, showing her the tainted handkerchief. Demirgian and most people went to sleep on their brown Army blankets. Pulver finished his work, and after driving Douglas home he took the family’s beagle, Socks, to the veterinarian’s, who gave it shots against hepatitis, distemper, and other diseases of dogs.

“I hate to see-e-e, de ev’-nin’ sun go down. … ” At the enlisted men’s club, a baldheaded man picked concernedly on his banjo, bending over it as though to loosen a knot in one string. He seemed to be thinking … almost … almost. On center stage in their spangled dresses the Barnes sisters did their little dance, and Prochaska, one of M’s few emissaries on the club’s folding seats, sang quietly along, tapping his visored hat against one knee. “Oh, I hate to see-e-e. … ” At seven that evening Milett had given M its passes—but Prochaska couldn’t leave, he didn’t have the money, they hadn’t paid him in months. Something was wrong at the finance office.

John Sack
Esquire, October 1966


May 4, 1970: National Guard shoots and kills students at Kent State University

On May 1, 1970, President Richard Nixon said:

“You see these bums, you know, blowing up the campuses. Listen, the boys that are on the college campuses today are the luckiest people in the world, going to the greatest universities, and here they are burning up the books, storming around about this issue. You name it. Get rid of the war there will be another one.”

Three days later, on May 4, 1970, the National Guard shot and killed four and wounded nine at Kent State University in Ohio.

Nixon won election in 1968 on a platform of law and order. He had no use for student protests. But even those Americans who still supported the Vietnam War and agreed that student protestors were “bums” were troubled. So Nixon ordered a Commission on Campus Unrest. The Commission, under the leadership of former Pennsylvania governor William Scranton, investigated and issued a 537-page report. It included a special section on Kent State, containing a detailed day-by-day, minute-by-minute description, leading up to this moment:


Major Jones said he first heard an explosion which he thought was a firecracker. As he turned to his left, he heard another explosion which he knew to be an M-1 rifle shot. As he turned to his right, toward Taylor Hall, he said he saw guardsmen kneeling (photographs show some crouching) and bringing their rifles to their shoulders. He heard another M-1 shot, and then a volley of them. He yelled, “Cease fire!” several times, and rushed down the line shoving rifle barrels up and away from the crowd. He hit several guardsmen on their helmets with his swagger stick to stop them from firing.

General Canterbury stated that he first heard a single shot, which he thought was fired from some distance away on his left and which in his opinion did not come from a military weapon. Immediately afterward, he heard a volley of M-1 fire · from his right, the Taylor Hall end of the line. The Guard’s fie was directed away from the direction from which Canterbury thought the initial, nonmilitary shot came. His first reaction, like that of Fassinger and Jones, was to stop the firing.

Canterbury, Fassinger, and Jones–the three ranking officers on the hill–all said no order to fire was given. Twenty-eight guardsmen have acknowledged firing from Blanket Hill. Of these, 25 fired 55 shots from rifles, two fired five shots from .45 caliber pistols, and one fired a single blast from a shotgun. Sound tracks indicate that the firing of these 61 shots lasted approximately 13 seconds. The time of the shooting was approximately 12:25 p.m.

Four persons were killed and nine were wounded.


A map from the report:

Any lessons for today and beyond?

Whenever a university or a government decides to enforce its standard of order against gatherings and protests, that enforcement should be pursued carefully and judiciously, if at all. Things can and will happen when those forces are let loose. The choice of enforcement should be pursued only if there are no other options, which there almost always are. Emotions run high on all sides. Whenever weapons are officially introduced—from batons to rubber bullets to tear gas to guns and rifles—they can easily be used indiscriminately. And fatally.

Few things are more tragically ironic than anti-war protestors being injured or killed. It doesn’t have to be.

Movie to watch today: Apocalypse Now

Francis Ford Coppola’s Apocalypse Now (1979) is regarded as an all-time great movie. Thought to be the best of many movies about the Vietnam War. To some, as great as his masterpiece Godfather movies.

It is more than a movie about the Vietnam War or about war. Inspired by Josef Conrad’s novella Heart of Darkness (1899), it is about how lost we can get on missions, no matter who we are or think we are, no matter how well or ill conceived, well or ill intentioned those missions are.

We are just people. As people we are irresistibly and inevitably prone to forces, inside and outside, seemingly controllable but ultimately uncontrollable, that drive us as we drift into terra incognita, unknown territory.

That is why to watch Apocalypse Now now. Right now.

One famous scene is the Air Cavalry descending on a Vietnamese village. The surfing colonel in charge blasts Wagner’s Ride of the Valkyries from the helicopters as they attack.

The soundtrack for the opening scene is The End by the Doors:

Lost in a Roman wilderness of pain
And all the children are insane
All the children are insane
Waiting for the summer rain

Gaza is more and more Biden’s Vietnam

Rhetoric doesn’t end war and save lives. Whatever the rhetoric he and his administration announce, Biden continues to arm a nation pursuing a questionable war strategy that is killing thousands. Reported just yesterday:


US reportedly approves transfer to Israel of bombs and jets worth billions
Sources say weapons package authorized even as Washington expresses public concern over anticipated offensive in Rafah
Friday, March 29, 2024

The US in recent days authorized the transfer of billions of dollars worth of bombs and fighter jets to Israel, two sources familiar with the effort said on Friday, even as Washington publicly expresses concerns about an anticipated Israeli military offensive in Rafah.

The new arms packages include more than 1,800 MK-84 2,000lb bombs and 500 MK-82 500lb bombs, said the sources, who confirmed a report in the Washington Post.


Whether you lived through the Vietnam War or know it only as history, this is seeming oppressively and depressingly familiar, not just as an unnecessary tragedy, but as a political nightmare.

LBJ accomplished a lot of important things for America, but his stubborn support of the war in Vietnam doomed his reelection in 1968, leading him to drop out of the race, and leading to the horrors of the Nixon White House.

Biden has also accomplished a lot of important things for America. But he already goes into the 2024 election with widespread questions about his age. Now added to that is his stubborn support, despite his rhetoric, for a war that is already tragic and a situation that will not look better by the time of the election.

The analogy isn’t perfect. But as the saying goes, history may not repeat itself, but it rhymes. This is looking a lot like Biden’s Vietnam. And as terrible as the Nixon presidency was, the Trump regime would be more evil and dangerous. Is there still time for Biden to do more than talk, to stand up and use American military support as leverage? Even if he does, is it too late to make a difference in what is almost certainly a toss-up election, with Biden in the eyes of some voters—especially some Democratic voters—a villain?

© 2024 by Bob Schwartz

Abraham Joshua Heschel on the Vietnam War and the blood of the innocent

“Remember the blood of the innocent cries forever. Should that blood stop to cry, humanity would cease to be.”
—Abraham Joshua Heschel

Abraham Joshua Heschel was a great Jewish thinker, writer and prophet of the twentieth century. I have included him in over 30 posts, far more than any other figure. Here is one example.

Heschel was one of the earliest religionists to oppose the Vietnam War. As a friend and colleague of Martin Luther King Jr. in the civil rights movement, he influenced King to publicly come out against the war.

Benjamin Sax talks about the price Heschel paid:

“When he came out against the Vietnam War for example, there were a lot of Jewish presses and a lot of Jewish leadership that spoke out against him. There was a lot of criticism about his leadership, about his point of view – he was considered naive. Worse he was considered theologically naive. That what he was doing was undermining the safety of his own people and undermining the safety of our country. And that aspiring to these universal, patriotic values was something that at least many in the Jewish community wanted to put out there even if they were uncomfortable with the reasons why we were in Vietnam. And so, it also put his reputation at risk.”

Heschel wrote about the war:

“The blood we shed in Vietnam makes a mockery of all our proclamations, dedications, celebrations. Has our conscience become a fossil, is all, mercy gone? If mercy, the mother of humility, is still alive as a demand, how can we say yes to our bringing agony to that tormented country? We are here because our own integrity as human beings is decaying in the agony and merciless killing done in our name. In a free society, some are guilty and all are responsible. We are here to call upon the governments of the United States as well as North Vietnam to stand still and to consider that no victory is worth the price of terror, which all parties commit in Vietnam, North and South. Remember the blood of the innocent cries forever. Should that blood stop to cry, humanity would cease to be.”

Heschel died in 1972. It would be beyond presumptuous—criminal and sinful—to claim to know what he would be saying about the current Israeli war in Gaza. All we can know is that he urged flawed human beings to rise above self to do better and be better, which is what he believed God needs us to do.

“Oh my God—we hit a little girl”: 1966 America wakes up to civilian casualties in Vietnam

In 1966, Vietnam was not yet the broadly unpopular war it would become. News coverage was mostly supportive or neutral. It wasn’t until February 27, 1968 that CBS news anchor Walter Cronkite—“the most trusted man in America”—broadcast his message that victory was not possible.

In October 1966, Esquire magazine published a 33,000-word report by John Sack about his time embedded with “M” company in Vietnam. George Lois, the legendary Esquire art director, accompanied this with a simple stark cover, quoting a soldier. It is considered the first anti-Vietnam War cover from a major American magazine; it was not the last.

Note: Despite protests and many more casualties, the war would last another nine years. Without victory.

© 2023 by Bob Schwartz

If You’re Tired of Hearing About the Vietnam War, Tell Our Leaders to Stop Reenacting It

This weekend, an administration official tried to explain in an interview what exactly we are now doing in Iraq and Syria. It was like a ghost or the walking dead, sounding eerily and unhappily exactly like the rhetoric that was rolled out in the middle days of the Vietnam War.

There are roughly three groups about Vietnam: those who lived through it on the home front, those who lived through it (or not) in battle, and a generation or more that is so tired of hearing about a war that ended forty years ago. So tired of it. Can’t you all ever get over it?

Too bad. No, we should never “get over” Vietnam, no matter how many generations pass, and no matter how tired those generations are about the lessons we might learn. Vietnam was the first truly modern war of the media age and of the post-national era.

In media terms, it offered the best possibility up to that time to say positive stuff about a complex war policy, have it widely broadcast (though not as widely as digital today), and have the media endorse it and people believe it. Okay, that does sound like a description of what happened in Iraq, but that just proves the point.

As far as post-national warfare, Vietnam was technically a civil war, but it was obviously something else too. There was an army of North Vietnam, but there were also indigenous forces and a people’s movement trying to upset an unacceptable status quo, which we supported and ultimately defended. For a while. Until there was no more government of South Vietnam. And then it became a matter of just not losing. Which we did.

Another parallel is not paying attention to history, our own and that of others. The French abandoned Indochina, but that was supposedly just because they were, well, French. Americans know and are better than that. Just as in Afghanistan, where the Soviets abandoned their war, but that was supposedly because, well, they were Commies. Freedom loving Americans know and are better.

Which brings us back round to Iraq and Syria today. If you make the effort, you could go back to the LBJ days of Vietnam and hear exactly the same words that were spoken this weekend. Not just something like it, but exactly. Such as: it’s their fight, not ours.

There are things worth fighting for on the world stage, even when it is not on our homeland. But it is hard enough to figure out what those things are, and even harder to commit ourselves and our loved ones to the fight, when we are swimming in a sea of official stuff and nonsense. We want the brutal truth, if our leaders can tell it, especially when it is bound to be a brutal and long fight.

Afghanistan Without End. Amen.

It is time to stop expecting American leadership in either party, at any level, to reasonably articulate an achievable goal in Afghanistan. Either the conclusion they’ve reached is that there is none or it is too hard to tell us the inconvenient truth they have concluded.

So we are just going to have to take on the role of citizen policy analysts and do it ourselves.

We are unlikely to ever help establish an Afghan military capable or willing to hold back whatever insurgent force mortally threatens stability and national integrity.

We are unlikely to see the establishment of a stable semi-permanent semi-democracy in Afghanistan.

We are never going to “defeat” the Taliban or other similar threats in Afghanistan, in the sense of forever eliminating and precluding such evil developments.

That leaves one possibility. We are keeping troops in Afghanistan to help keep things from getting worse.

It’s a problem to admit that. First, because a military mission of stopping things from getting worse seems unending, which it well might be. Entropy tells us that things fall apart naturally unless acted upon otherwise. In Afghanistan that otherwise is us. It’s also hard to tell those who serve that the point of their sacrifice is to keep things from getting worse, rather than seeing a genuinely better future and having a defined endpoint.

But at least it would be honest. And on top of the war without end, that is an equally big problem. From the Vietnam War to today, there has been a lot of official and political obfuscation. Well, let’s call it lying. It isn’t that the policy makers don’t have noble principles in mind, such as freedom, self-determination, and the like. It’s just that the plans they put in place—very expensive plans—have practically no chance of fulfilling any of those principles.

Robert Stone

Robert Stone

Author Robert Stone (1937-2015) died a couple of weeks ago. You may not know of him, but do celebrate his career by reading a little of his extraordinary work.

If you write, and if you read (which you should do, often and well, if you write), you may find yourself reading certain authors and saying: wow, I wish I could sound like that. Stone was one of those who had a voice so good that even when one of his many novels didn’t hit the mark, you still wanted to listen.

His most celebrated novel was his second, Dog Soldiers (1974), which Time magazine named to its list of the Best English-language Novels from 1923 to 2005. It may be the best novel written about the Vietnam War in America. It is a short, sharp, and compulsively readable take on the craziness and morality of it all. Compare to Francis Ford’s Coppola’s film Apocalypse Now, also great, but big and spectacular, taking millions of dollars to do what Stone did in a few thousand words. (Speaking of movies, the film version of Dog Soldiers, called Who’ll Stop the Rain, is worth seeing only as evidence of the how great novels can and do go wrong on screen.)

Stone was interested in politics and government, particularly in the last quarter of the twentieth century, when those seemed to become unhinged and unmoored. People were becoming unhinged and unmoored too, but Stone never used his characters as mere stand-ins for ideas. He drew full-blooded, complex people.

He seemed to genuinely love people, even as they, and he, were at loose ends. If you like cultural history, read the memoir of his life and times in the early 1960s, Prime Green: Remembering the Sixties. It is a sketch of his role as a writer and traveler in the early counterculture, and while it is a very small picture, his honesty and self-awareness are refreshing and appealing.

Back to novels, if you do read Dog Soldiers and want more, try A Flag for Sunrise (1981). While the general topic of this political thriller is turbulent military and foreign policy in Latin America at that time, the subtext is timeless and global—as in, none of the issues has gone away, or will.

The Promise of and Lessons from the Hong Kong Protests

Albert Einstein Institute

The Hong Kong pro-democracy protests appear to be over—for now. The protest leaders have surrendered, and the official plan to have Beijing approve candidates for Hong Kong’s highest office remains in place. The result is disappointing but not surprising. Facing off against the world’s biggest and most powerful non-democracy is by definition quixotic.

Yet for those of us in the U.S. and elsewhere who admire the thousands who engaged in this nonviolent movement, there are lessons to be learned and practiced. As pointed out here before, thinkers such as Gene Sharp at the Albert Einstein Institution have spent lifetimes mapping the path to nonviolent change. Here are a few of the lessons:

Be organized and disciplined. If you watched the news coverage of the Hong Kong events, you got to see an orderly and colorful tent city that served as a base, along with protestors carrying the symbolic (and also colorful) umbrellas, which served double-duty as a shield against police force.

Be specific. Movement goals can range in size and scope, from the ouster of a president to, as in Hong Kong, the right to select candidates for an election, as promised in an agreement. In the U.S., both the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War movement had such specific goals. In civil rights, it was piece by piece in a bigger picture: desegregation of public transport, desegregation of restaurants, voting rights, etc. Vietnam was specific and absolute: get out. The recent Occupy movements in the U.S., on the other hand, seemed to be all over the map, even when their complaints were justified. We are now seeing a bit of that in the Ferguson movement. The general discontent over the treatment of black citizens by police and justice is justified, but the power of the protests is diluted by uncertainty about what is being requested. (Possible answer: The St. Louis county prosecutor, having made an unprecedented mess of the criminal charging and grand jury process, can convene another grand jury and do it properly the next time. That’s probably as unlikely as Beijing giving in, but it would be something specific to ask for.)

Be informed. One of the other things you might notice about the Hong Kong protest is that protestors could speak knowledgeably about why they were protesting and what they wanted. Not to keep picking on our Occupy movement, but if you asked a hundred protestors about what it is they wanted, you might well have gotten a hundred different answers.

Be patient. Perseverance furthers. The U.S. civil rights movement took decades to achieve its goals, though some would argue that in fact the spirit of those goals is still far from being reached. Globally, movements for change are like the tides, in and out, high and low. Just this week, former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarek was cleared of criminal charges in the deaths of protestors at Tahrir Square four years ago. Today, in terms of democracy, Egypt looks different than but the same as it did then. Perseverance can further, but it is no guarantee. Even without certainty, though, organized, disciplined, specific, informed, patient nonviolence remains the best that can be done.